Three Communist factions were present in Europe in the duration of the Cold War: the Warsaw Pact with the Soviet Union as its leader, Yugoslavia and Albania. There are however similarities between the first two, as Albania is a single nation.
Both the SFR Yugoslavia and the USSR succeeded monarchies-- the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Russian Empire. They held almost the same territories as their predecessors. They also resisted Nazi Germany at one point in World War II.
Both countries also had repressive dictatorial systems; the most notorious ones are Josip Broz Tito and Josef Stalin, respectively. The existence of these states continued after their demise, but there were systematic changes.
Since these countries consist of nations with own territories (USSR had 15, SFRY had six), these both dissolved in the end of the Cold War. The former had a more peaceful breakup than the latter, although conflicts erupted in Transnistria, Karabakh, Chechnya and Tajikistan.
Many people from both former countries experience nostalgia, wishing for the return of their old states due to supposedly better material provisions and inter ethnic harmony. I have written about Soviet Nostalgia before, which I despise. As for Yugoslavia, countries are divided regarding its revival: Slovenes are among the most distant, and Kosovars are the most defiant due to Tito's Albanophobia; Croats are almost equally divided; Macedonians had a better reception to it, Bosnians reminisce it more as it's multi-ethnic, and Serbs miss it the most. My attitude towards Soviet nostalgia is the same for Yugonostalgia. I dislike it; never again with stuffed prisons, fake harmony, and dismissal of dissent as racism.
The largest nations of each country-- Russia and Serbia, respectively-- both tasted a degree of freedom, but reverted to authoritarianism; Serbia suffered twice: Slobodan Milošević and Aleksandar Vučić. One disturbing thing though is the combination of the despotisms and their longing for the dead states. The expansionist fears from Russia became prevalent in Georgia, with the two breakaway regions (Abkhazia and South Ossetia) declared independence in 2008 with Russian help. Pro-Russia Ukrainians then defied the Euromaidan and the Dignity Revolution in 2014 (read more), leading to Russian annexation of Crimea and the superpower's participation in the War in Donbas. Alexander Lukashenko was also spared from the "slippers" revolution in 2020, thanks to Vladimir Putin, and now Belarus looks like a Russian vassal state. The Transnistrian conflict is frozen, and the breakaway authorities adhere with Russia. Russian interests also made Kazakhstan worry, and when Putin met Central Asian leaders in October 2022, Tajik dictator Emamali Rahman appealed for "respect" from his Russian counterpart. It's basically trying to regain what Russia lost. Putin lamented on the Soviet Union's fall, and all of these are manifestations of the new Russian imperialism.
It's Russkiy Mir, the Russian World, the world where Russia is the most mighty, Russia leads the world, and Russian culture reigns above all, and Vučić the Serbian president, whose Putin is his closest ally, tries to apply it to Serbia. When SFRY broke up, Republika Srpska's Radovan Karadžić wants to separate from Bosnia and join Serbia, while Serbia's Milošević helped him. The Bosnian War ended up in a stalemate, and Republika Srpska remained in the country. Kosovars also fought for autonomy after the Serbian president withdrew it, and in 2008 ended up in declaring independence from the country, albeit having limited recognition. Such lands were the major issue for the Vučić regime, and out of Russkiy Mir comes Srpski Svet, the Serbian World; it's basically the Balkan copy of the Russian concept, and former Montenegrin president Milo Đukanović also accused Serbia of imitating Russia.
Two Alexanders promote their respective ideas: Russian philosopher Dugin, and Serbian defence minister Vulin. The two met each other in the Serbian capital Belgrade in 2019 to discuss supposed aggression of the Western bloc NATO, which attacked Serbia in 1999, but surely Vulin gained even more inspirations from Dugin to further the cause of Srpski Svet, and in the following year proponents discussed more of this idea.
Putin's invasion of Ukraine further divided Serbia; supporters of the Vučić regime rallied behind the Russian leader, while critical Serbs condemned it and supported Ukraine. It also alerted Bosnia and Kosovo; both countries sense an impending invasion inspired by Russia, as Milorad Dodik of Republika Srpska supports the invasion, and the clashes between Kosovo and Serbia in the Serb-populated North Kosovo erupted. The Bosnian War is infamous for genocides, with Serb leaders Karadžić and Milošević convicted as war criminals. A vote in the United Nations General Assembly was held to argue whether to hold a commemoration day or not, and Dodik once again threatened renewed conflict and secession.
The resolution on Srebrenica passed; 11 July is the designated day. Serbia's top allies Russia and PR China voted against, while many Western and Islamic nations alike were in favour. Aside from Bosnia, Kosovo, which is not a UN member, welcomed the resolution, while Vučić was vehement in his rejection. With the approval of the resolution, even though it gives justice for the victims of the genocide, there is now even more fear for the return of conflict in the Balkans.
It may be hard to keep the Serbian regime in check. Vučić' opposition may be the best hope, but like in Russia, civic space in the country is also shrinking. The international community must act swiftly to uphold welfare of Bosnians, Kosovars and also Serbs. Sustainable peace must be ensured in the region, and that means the defeat of both Russkiy Mir and Srpski Svet.
Article posted on 24 May 2024, 13:28 (UTC +08:00).
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